Nothing is more important to the American people than our
safety and our freedom. As the chairmen of the House and Senate
intelligence and judiciary committees, we have an enormous responsibility
to protect both.
Unfortunately, instead of working with Congress to achieve
the best policies to keep our country safe, once again President
Bush has resorted to scare tactics and political games.
In November, the House passed legislation to give U.S. intelligence
agencies strong tools to intercept terrorist communications
that transit the United States, while ensuring that Americans'
private communications are not swept up by the government in
violation of the Fourth Amendment.
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Almost two weeks ago, the Senate passed similar legislation.
The Senate bill also contains a provision to grant retroactive
legal immunity to telecommunications companies that assisted
the executive branch in conducting surveillance programs after
the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.
While the four of us may have our differences on what language
a final bill should contain, we agree on several points.
First, our country did not "go dark" on Feb. 16 when
the Protect America Act (PAA) expired. Despite President Bush's
overheated rhetoric on this issue, the government's orders under
that act will last until at least August. These orders could
cover every known terrorist group and foreign target. No surveillance
stopped. If a new member of a known group, a new phone number
or a new e-mail address is identified, U.S. intelligence can
add it to the existing orders, and surveillance can begin immediately.
As Assistant Attorney General Kenneth Wainstein acknowledged
while speaking to reporters on Feb. 14, "the directives
are in force for a year, and with the expiration of the PAA,
the directives that are in force remain in force until the end
of that year. . . . [W]e'll be able to continue doing surveillance
based on those directives."
If President Bush truly believed that the expiration of the
Protect America Act caused a danger, he would not have refused
our offer of an extension.
In the remote possibility that a terrorist organization that
we have never previously identified emerges, the National Security
Agency could use existing authority under the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act (FISA) to track its communications. Since Congress
passed FISA in 1978, the court governing the law's use has approved
nearly 23,000 warrant applications and rejected only five. In
an emergency, the NSA or FBI can begin surveillance immediately
and a FISA court order does not have to be obtained for three
days.
When U.S. agencies provided critical intelligence to our German
allies to disrupt a terrorist plot last summer, we relied on
FISA authorities.
Those who say that FISA is outdated do not appreciate the strength
of this powerful tool.
So what's behind the president's "sky is falling"
rhetoric?
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