The war in Afghanistan is spreading its tentacles around
the world. The terrorist attacks in Mumbai are now being explained
as a plot by Lashkar-e-Taiba to divert the Pakistani military
away from the Afghan border areas, a replay of the attack
on the Indian parliament in December 2001.
Ahmed Rashid, author of Taliban: The Story of the Afghan
Warlords, says, “Nobody could touch the Taliban, Al-Qaeda,
Afghans and others for the next four years.”
Recent explosives found in a Paris department store were
part of a planned attack by the Afghan Revolutionary Front
to protest French troops in Afghanistan.
Hundreds of supply vehicles headed for Afghanistan were recently
torched, and the NATO supply depot in Peshawar ransacked,
forcing Pakistani authorities to close the vital Khyber Pass.
The main supply routes are no longer secure and Pakistani
truck drivers are refusing to transport military supplies.
NATO and US officials insist this has had no effect on military
operations in Afghanistan despite the fact that attacks happen
daily.
In a truly bizarre development NATO is now paying the Taleban
to guarantee the security of these supply routes. “We
estimate that approximately 25 percent of the money we pay
for security to get the fuel in goes into the pockets of the
Taleban,” said one fuel importer. Another boss whose
company is subcontracted to supply to Western military bases
said that as much as a quarter of the value of a lorry’s
cargo was paid to Taleban commanders. “The Taleban come
and move with the convoy. They sit in the front vehicle of
the convoy to ensure security.”
Raising the prospect of an even wider threat to the convoys,
Jamaat-e-Islami staged a rally last week in Peshawar, turning
out thousands to condemn NATO missile strikes on Pakistan.
The marchers demanded that Pakistan end the NATO convoys,
and vowed to cut the supply lines themselves.
2008 saw British deaths there surpass 100, soon followed
by Canadian deaths, and approximately 700 US deaths with the
US poised to double troop numbers, despite the fact that popular
opinion polls in all the occupying countries regularly show
60 percent of citizens want their troops home immediately,
apparently unfazed by talk of bring democracy and freedom
to the grateful locals. A report by the independent US-based
Pakistan Policy Working Group claims that at least some of
these deaths are at the hands of Pakistan’s Inter-Services
Intelligence, as it is “no longer certain the coalition
forces will prevail in Afghanistan and is using militants
groups in an attempt to expand its own influence.”
But as Stalin told Churchill, while the death of one man
is a tragedy, the death of millions is a statistic. More disturbing
than any of these statistics are the words of Russell Higgins
of Nova Scotia, Canada, whose nephew Tom died there recently
and who was preparing to say goodbye to his son Peter, headed
for the killing fields. “I don’t figure our boys
should be over there to start with. You can’t win a
war against people that don’t mind dying. My son is
getting ready to go over. What can be said? You can only do
what you can do.”
As president-elect Barack Obama prepares to double troops
levels, US President George W Bush made a parting visit to
Kabul, and cautioned that the war would be a long one. Already
Defence Secretary Gates is calling on Canada to extend its
commitment of troops beyond 2011, despite the agreement to
withdraw them by then. No freedom and democracy for citizens
of the West or Afghanistan, it seems.
Predictions are now that the violence will subside as the
US builds up its military presence. Apparently the unremitting
violence of NATO troops against Afghans is not counted. To
counter the “violence” of the insurgents -- which
might be better called partisan warfare against an illegal
occupation -- Canadian forces have turned to their Israeli
allies for help, buying their deadly unmanned drones which
are so effective at murdering Palestinians. This is hardly
news that will convince Afghans of the occupiers’ good
intentions -- Israel effectively attacking and killing them
along with their Palestinian brothers. How long will it be
before the Mumbai tragedy is repeated in the heart of peaceful
Ottawa? How can anyone possibly think that Israel will find
peace by spreading its criminal activity farther and farther
afield?
Perhaps even more bizarre than paying the Taleban while killing
them with Israeli bombs, Afghan President Hamid Karzai has
just appointed Canadian Tooryalai Wesa governor of Kandahar.
He is a close friend of Karzai’s brother Ahmed Wali
Karzai who just happens to be chairman of the Kanadahar provincial
council. The last governor lasted only four months, but Tooryalai
promises to bring order and prosperity. It’s as if Kanadahar
has become Canada’s 11th province, bristling with 2,500
Canadian troops, and now even governed by a Canadian.
There is a sense of foreboding about the planned push by
Obama, with no enthusiasm or hope for success apparent among
anyone involved. In an unprecedented breach of protocol, General
Hans-Christoph Ammon, head of the German army’s elite
special commando unit, branded his own country’s efforts
a “miserable failure,” singling out its poor record
in training the Afghan police and allocating development aid.
The ruling coalition of Christian and Social Democrats face
elections next year, with the anti-war Die Linke party making
huge gains.
The occupiers and Karzai try to convince Taleban to switch
sides, but just the opposite is happening. After fighting
the Taleban for the past seven years, many working for the
Afghan security forces are joining them. Afghan policeman
Sulieman Ameri, now a Taleban commander, used to patrol the
border with Iran. Ameri told Al-Jazeera he and his 16 men
joined the Taleban because of anti-Muslim behaviour by international
soldiers. “I have seen everything with my own eyes;
I have seen prostitution; I have seen them drinking alcohol.
We are Muslim and therefore jihad is our obligation,”
Ameri said in the mountains south of Herat. “Our soil
is occupied by Americans and I want them to leave this country.
That is my only goal,” he added.
“When Russia came it was only one country, today we
have 24 foreign infidel countries on our soil. All our men
and women should come and join the jihad,” Fida Mohammad,
a new Taliban recruit, told Al-Jazeera. Abdul Rahim, another
new recruit, said he received training from Blackwater for
45 days. “I can use the training to save my life in
these mountains and I can also use it to fight them,”
he said. NATO spokesman Brigadier-General Richard Blanchette
dismissed such talk: “The Taliban and other insurgents
are conducting a propaganda campaign against us.”
Kai Eide, head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in
Afghanistan, recently told the UN Security Council that Taliban
attacks -- at an all-time high -- would probably grow in the
coming weeks instead of easing, as they have in previous winters.
“We should be prepared for a situation where the insurgency
will not experience the same winter lull, the same reduction
in hostilities we have experienced in past winters,”
he said. Eide added that attacks against humanitarian workers
had also increased.
NATO’s response to its failure to build a reliable
Afghan army and police force is to set up local militias.
The plan is causing deep unease among many Afghans, who fear
that Pashtun-dominated militias could get out of control,
terrorise locals and turn against the government. “There
will be fighting between Pashtuns and non-Pashtuns,”
said Salih Mohammad Registani, a member of the Afghan Parliament
and an ethnic Tajik. Registani recalled the Arbaki, a Pashtun-dominated
militia in the early 20th century. “A civil war will
start very soon,” he said.
As Afghanistan prepares for its own election cycle -- presidential
elections are scheduled for 2009, with parliamentary elections
to follow in 2010 -- it is likely that the resentment fueled
by the presence of troops from the 24 infidel countries and
the treatment of Afghans as second-class citizens by the foreign
NGOs and military will become a rallying point for politicians.
There have been growing indications of this even from Karzai’s
administration, notably his agreement to sign the anti-cluster
bomb treaty earlier this month despite US disapproval.
The Taleban are not to be treated lightly. They were feared,
but respected too, when they ruled. With no help from anyone,
they disarmed the entire nation and proceeded to wipe out
opium production before the US invaded (after which rape became
endemic, warlords amassed arms and opium production soared
to record levels). There was virtually no crime, as “we
all had nightmares of them cutting off your hand if you stole,”
Afghan Canadian Abdul told Al-Ahram Weekly after returning
from this year’s Hajj.
“We hated the Russians but we knew they didn’t
want to be there. The Afghan communists took power in 1978
and then the US flooded the country with weapons to fight
them. I remember this well. The last communist leader, (Mohammad)
Najibullah, was actually a good leader, but the US insisted
on backing Bin Laden and the other terrorists against him.
The US could solve the whole problem in a week if they wanted
to. There is no Bin Laden now. Even though I don’t like
them, the Taleban should be allowed to take power. They would
be better than what my family in Kabul are living through
now,” said Abdul.
The current US occupation of both Afghanistan and Iraq, the
refusal to allow the Somali Taleban -- the Islamic Courts
and the Shabab -- to come to power there, and the unremitting
vilification of Syria and Iran can only be explained as the
US trying to force the Muslim world into submission. It is
no coincidence that these holdouts are the focus of US hostility.
This is all eerily familiar. In the 20th century, the communists
were the enemy. The Cold War was the vehicle for keeping alive
the enemy myth so necessary to holding together the imperial
order. Communism was supposedly destroyed, with no positive
effect for anyone, it turns out. But conventional wisdom still
celebrates the “victory over Communism” at the
same time as it exhorts us to hold firm against the new enemy,
recalcitrant Islam, as embodied in Afghanistan’s resistance
fighters.
One can, of course, understand why few in the West want the
orthodox view of the Cold War overturned, or want to see the
withdrawal of US/NATO forces from the Middle East. If that
were to happen, the whole edifice of postwar politics would
begin to crumble. People would realise the heavy burden of
postwar rearmament was for naught. Israel would quickly have
to make peace with the Palestinians, ending their criminal
occupation. People everywhere would wake up to the reality
that the war against Communism -- and now Islam -- actually
imperiled rather than saved us, and they would see the real
enemy. Is there time? Can the Afghan resistance prevail against
the mightiest death machine in world history? The war in Afghanistan
is now a race to the finish -- for us all.